Just days before China’s 20th National Congress, two banners appeared on an overpass in Beijing, the capital city where the Congress will take place. One banner reads “
Life, NOT zero-COVID policy; Freedom NOT lockdown; Dignity NOT lies; Reform NOT Cultural Revolution; Elections NOT dictatorship; Citizens NOT slaves
.” It did not take long for the banners to be taken down and security personnel to be installed on the overpass, yet the photos and reprints of the banners have made their ways onto the Internet and walls decorate with protests across the globe. It is easy to draw a connection to past protests, given how the protesters resembled characteristics of ‘Tank Man’ in 1989 — censored, isolated and opposing a much stronger power, while also having the same courage and inspiration.
When I first saw photos of the banners, I was surprised by the courage of the protester. Furthermore, I found the words on the first banner very well-articulated, as they are essentially six “DOs” and six “NOTs” that summarize the political and social environment of China in the past few years, and arguably the past decades. The words start with specific challenges that many Chinese people face under strict COVID-related regulations and move on to broader questions on the current political system and environment in China. Besides the criticism on the surface, the banner also tries to liberate the minds of its audience.
Life, NOT zero-COVID policy; Freedom, NOT lockdown;
Starting the six-line protest is the most debated topic in China: COVID lockdowns. Many Chinese netizens have said and continue to argue that COVID has become a political question rather than a public health issue in China. The way the government has been handling COVID perfectly demonstrates how much power it has over its people: mandatory lockdowns, quarantines, self-conflicting regulations, censorship on opposing voices, etc. The list is seemingly interminable. The scandals with misusing the “health barcode,” the tragic accidents with unnecessary quarantine transportation, the Catch-22 of hospitals not admitting patients in critical conditions for not having a negative COVID results — these cases encompass the message of the first two lines on the banner: “Life, NOT zero-COVID policy; Freedom NOT lockdown.”
While the specific measures reflect the government’s practical power, the broader rhetoric of “battling COVID” is also symbolic because it aligns with the rhetoric Xi Jinping and the CCP have tried to establish for the past decade: the unique Chinese way is special and superior. Among a particular group, the idea that “our way is special” is something to be proud of has failed to take hold; to many more people in China, such a message feels ridiculous and counter-intuitive. Taken in context with the protest, the COVID question is an example of the broader question on the Party’s propaganda tools and propensity for power-grabbing.
Dignity NOT lies; Reform NOT Cultural Revolution
One of the central themes of the Party is the ‘Chinese Dream,’ which Xi defines as the “great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.” This specific wording, particularly the usage of the word ‘rejuvenation,’ draws on the long and eventful Chinese history as the base to call for a stronger national unity. The Belt and Road Initiative, for example, aims to resemble the dominant impact Chinese dynasties had over trade. At the same time, the Party also utilizes the humiliation China faced in the 20th century to warn against the possibilities of being a country without strong economic and military power as well as determined and competent leadership. By connecting the pride of a cultural powerhouse to political agendas, the Party, especially the President, is perhaps the strongest since the Mao Era. The “Xi Jinping Thought” political ideology that the Party has followed since it was first coined during the 19th National Congress symbolizes the status Xi has in the Party, surpassing his recent predecessors. The only two other times that the Party had followed a doctrine named after specific persons were Maoism and Dengism.
“Xi Jinping Thought,” the political guidance for the “Chinese Dream,” emphasizes everything with the suffix of “with Chinese characteristics,” which is quite confusing and sometimes funny. The idea of “Chinese characteristics” was coined during the Deng Era, with the idea of incorporating capitalist economic ideologies with socialist political systems. However, as the phrase has been more widely applied in the recent decade, it also became a meme. Under the big umbrella of “socialism with Chinese characteristics,” virtually everything can be explained. The price of gas has skyrocketed? No worries, it is just a result of market adjustments with Chinese characteristics. People find doing CPR tests on card boxes ridiculous? They do not know better, it is just COVID policy with Chinese characteristics. When the leadership of China can rationalize everything no matter how ridiculous it is, the nation is not in a good place. China is not unfamiliar with such history since there are still many memories about the Cultural Revolution. There are parallels across 50 years being noticed. Instead of the Red Guard, there are the “White Guard,” people in white medical suits (not necessarily medical personnel) who sometimes abuse their power under the banner of “battling COVID.” Instead of a movement to get rid of the “reactionaries,” there is a movement to get rid of the virus, which is scientifically not so practical. As a result, we see the dark humor of CCP members doing CPR on trees and rocks, spraying disinfectant solution on wrecked cars and so forth.
China’s trick is to lie by telling only half of the truth. As a result, the newspapers or media in China cover the truth on the inflation problem in the U.S. and energy crisis of Europe, but it is hard to find reports on domestic, scandalous abuses of power or the incredible profiting of PCR companies. Naturally, without the full truth, the conclusion is shaky, but as the saying goes, “a lie told a thousand times becomes a fact.” In the past decade, as China and the world have slowly become more and more disconnected culturally (if not economically), the truth is not that hard to hide.
Elections NOT dictatorship; Citizens NOT slaves
The last two lines of the banner, “Elections NOT dictatorship; Citizens NOT slaves,” are the most powerful. Naturally, the words can be interpreted in different ways, but I would like to read the last two lines as direct addresses to the citizens. It is up to the citizens to eventually decide if they want to be citizens or slaves. There is a lot of censorship, such as the “Firewall” and “web police” who stand between most Chinese netizens and freedom of expression. Of course, it is important to acknowledge that my circumstances make it a lot easier to research and comment on what I see as wrong. However, I believe the lack of means is not enough to prevent the liberation of minds when one really wants it.
Imagine a young highschooler happened to walk by the overpass and saw the banners that day: what would go through their mind? Maybe the words challenge what they have learned from school, maybe the words prompt them to ask their parents what the banners mean. Maybe they are met with discouragement when asking about sensitive topics, and maybe they have trouble finding the information they look for. Do they stop trying then because it has become too difficult? This is precisely what the first four lines are conveying. The strict lockdown measurements make people used to obeying authorities. The lies make it hard for people to look for truth or opposing voices. When one stops here, the “citizens” become “slaves.”
To incorporate some film references to this heavy topic, cult classic
V For Vendetta
has a classic quote germain to the topic at hand; when the rebel V seems undamaged while being shot at, he proclaims, “Beneath this mask there is an idea, Mr. Creedy, and ideas are bulletproof.” There have been many blue-pill or red-pill moments in the past decade for people in China, particularly for younger generations who know technology better. Issues with Hong Kong, COVID, the disappearance of tennis player Peng Shuai and the war in Ukraine did not hit home as hard as this time since the banners were in Beijing during a politically sensitive moment. After only a couple of days, many Chinese students responded by putting up the words on their campuses. I was feeling ambivalent at first because of the differences in response in and outside of China — what seemed like a major event to me felt silent at home. I thought, perhaps the censorship had won another round. But then I started seeing pictures of posters in Chinese universities and even high schools, in the malls and on the streets. Even though the posters are quickly removed, the ideas, as well as being bulletproof, are ultimately uncontrollable.
My very last observation on the wording is one of those ideas that you feel unsure about, but would probably be strongly backed by your literature professor. The very first line of the Chinese national anthem goes “Arise, ye who refuse to be slaves!” Slaves and slaves: the same wording can be found here. A coincidence? I think not.
